Mein politisches Testament. Seit ich 1914 als Freiwilliger meine bescheidene Kraft im ersten, dem Reich aufgezwungenen Weltkrieg einsetzte, sind nunmehr über dreissig Jahre vergangen. In diesen drei Jahrzehnten haben mich bei all meinem Denken, Handeln und Leben nur die Liebe und Treue zu.

Личный архитектор Гитлера Альберт Шпеер вспоминал, как Гитлеру донесли новость о побеге.

Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом

Русские получили право напасть на своих священников, но они не имеют права нападать на идею высшей силы. Это факт, что мы ничтожные творения, и что творческая сила существует. Секулярные школы недопустимы, поскольку в них нет религиозного обучения, а общее нравственное обучение вне религиозной основы построено на воздухе… Нам нужны верующие люди. Мои христианские чувства указывают мне, что мой Господь и Спаситель — борец. Они указывают на человека, который… распознал истинную сущность евреев и призвал людей к борьбе против них… И при таком положении вещей католические и протестантские лагеря не умеют соединиться против врагов человечества, а вместо этого подумывают, как бы уничтожить друг друга!

О национал-социализме Мы, национал-социалисты, являемся хранителями высших арийских ценностей на земле. За себя же и за всех подлинных национал-социалистов я скажу: для нас существует только одна доктрина — народ и отечество. Национал-социализм станет хозяином улицы, а потом и хозяином государства. Мы ведём борьбу за обеспечение существования и за распространение нашей расы и нашего народа.

Мы ведем борьбу за обеспечение пропитания наших детей, за чистоту нашей крови, за свободу и независимость нашего отечества. Зло угрожает каждому человеку и даже ребенку нашей великой нации. Мы должны предпринять шаги по обеспечению безопасности и защиты нашей родины. Грехи против крови и расы — самые страшные грехи на этом свете.

Каждое поколение должно поучаствовать в войне. Для трусливых народов нет места на земле. Народы ислама к нам будут всегда намного ближе, чем например, Франция. Зачем нам национализировать банки, заводы?

Мы национализируем людей. Высшей целью человечества является ни в коем случае не сохранение данной государственной формы или тем более данного правительства, а сохранение народного начала. Воспитать широкие массы народа в национальном духе можно только на путях поднятия их социального уровня. Движению нашему не смогли повредить никакие преследования его вождей, никакая клевета, никакая напраслина.

Из всех преследований оно выходило все более и более сильным, потому что идеи наши верны, цели наши чисты и готовность наших сторонников к самопожертвованию — вне всякого сомнения. О власти Лишь та государственная власть имеет право на уважение и на поддержку, которая выражает стремления и чувства народа или по крайней мере не приносит ему вреда. Страх — величайшее оружие государства. Когда люди боятся, они подчиняются.

Как дети, которые следуют за вами, если пообещать им защиту. Когда правительственная власть все те средства, какими она располагает, употребляет на то, чтобы вести целый народ к гибели, тогда не только правом, но и обязанностью каждого сына народа является бунт. Никогда ещё в истории ни одно государство не было создано мирной хозяйственной деятельностью. Чтобы излечить какую-либо болезнь, надо сначала понять, каковы её возбудители.

То же самое относится и к лечению политических болезней. Учиться истории означает уметь искать и находить факторы и силы, обусловившие те или другие события, которые мы потом должны были признать историческими событиями. Необходимо сделать так, чтобы кара за преступления следовала сразу же после его совершения, если хочешь добиться положительного эффекта. На государстве лежит прямой долг систематически и планомерно выискивать во всей массе народа наиболее способных и одаренных людей и ставить этих людей на службу обществу.

Надо положить конец и тому предрассудку, будто вопросы физического воспитания являются частным делом каждого отдельного человека. О жизненной этике Выбрал свой путь — иди по нему до конца. Победителя никто не спросит, правду он говорил или нет.

Цитаты про фашизм. Нацистские высказывания. Высказывания фашистов о русских. Высказывания про нацистов. SS армия третьего рейха. Присяга Ваффен СС.

Клятва SS. Гитлер и солдаты вермахта. Генрих Гиммлер Нюрнберг. Третий Рейх Гитлер. Русские слова немецкого происхождения. Слова немецкого происхождения. Немецкие заимствования в русском языке. Русские слова заимствованные из немецкого. Приход нацистов к власти Германии Адольф Гитлер.

Гитлер 1930. Адольф Гитлер приходит к власти в Германии. Интересные факты о Германии. Необычные факты о немцах. Немцы интересные факты. Интересные факты о немецком языке. Высказывания Гитлера о славянах. Цитаты Гитлера о России. Слова Гитлера о русских.

Мозг Гиммлера зовется Гейдрихом фильм 2017. МОЗ Гиммлера заветься Гейдрих. Мoзг Гuммлeрa зoвeтся Гeйдрuxом. Рейнхард Гейдрих фильм 2017. Вильгельм Кейтель. Генерал-фельдмаршал Кейтель. Йохан Густав Кейтель. Кейтель Вильгельм и Гитлер. Адольф Гитлер 1939.

Хайль Гитлер. Адольф Гитлер в армии. Германия 1941-1945 Адольф Гитлер. Германская оккупация Чехии 1939. Немецкие войска в Чехословакия 1939. Адольф Гитлер в партии 1920. Вопросы в немецком языке. Вопросительные слова в немецком. Вопрос слова в немецком.

Вопросы на немецком. Советско немецкий парад в Бресте 1939. Парад в Бресте 1939 Кривошеин и Гудериан. Герман Вильгельм Геринг. Рейхсмаршал Герман Геринг. Герман Геринг в молодости. Герман Геринг молодой. Леон Дегрелль русские Великий народ. Леон Дегрелль о русских.

Дегрель Гитлер демократ. Леон Дегрель Восточный фронт. Геббельс про ложь и правду. Йозеф Геббельс пропаганда. Йозеф Геббельс цитаты. Александр Меркель.

Aus dem Opfer unserer Soldaten und aus meiner eigenen Verbundenheit mit ihnen bis in den Tod, wird in der deutschen Geschichte so oder so einmal wieder der Samen aufgehen zur strahlenden Wiedergeburt der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung und damit zur Verwirklichung einer wahren Volksgemeinschaft. Ich habe sie gebeten und ihnen endlich befohlen, dies nicht zu tun, sondern am weiteren Kampf der Nation teilzunehmen. Goebbels usw. Gegeben zu Berlin, den 29.

Consent And already here one should knock oneself on the head and say: if this capital is international because its carrier is distributed internationally, it must be madness to think that this capital can be fought internationally with the help of the members of the same race which possesses it. Hear, hear Fire is not extinguished by fire but by water and the international capital belonging to the international Jew can only be broken by a national force. Bravo and applause! So, this capital has grown to incredibly large proportions and today virtually rules the Earth, still eerily growing and — the worst! For it is appalling that the common man who has to bear the burden in order to return the capital sees that, despite his hard work, diligence, thrift and in spite of the real work, he is hardly able to nourish himself and still less to dress, while this international capital devours billions just in interest, which he also must supply, and at the same time a whole racial stratum which does no other work than collect interest and cut coupons, spreads in the state. This is a degradation of any honest work, for every honestly working man must ask today: Does it have a purpose at all that I work? Yes, one of the foundations of our strength is being destroyed, namely the ethical concept of work, and that was the brilliant idea of Karl Marx to falsify the ethical concept of work, and the whole mass of the people who groan under the Capital are to be organized for the destruction of the national economy and for the protection of international finance-and-loan capital.

Stormy applause We know that today 15 billion of industry capital is facing 500 billion of loan capital. These 15 billion of industry capital is invested in creative values, while this 500 billion loan capital, which we always get in spoonful rates of 6 and 7 billion and which we use in periods of 1 to 2 months to supplement our rations a little, these 6 to 7 billion today which are decreed almost worthless scraps of paper, at a later date, should we ever recover, will have to be repaid in high quality money i. This is not only the destruction of a state, but already the application of a chain, of a neck collar for later times. National purity as a source of strength The second pillar against which the Jew as a parasite turns, and must turn, is the national purity as a source of the strength of a nation. The Jew, who is himself a nationalist more than any other nation, who through millennia did not mix with any other race, uses intermingling just for others to degenerate them in the best case; this same Jew preaches every day with thousands of tongues, from 19,000 papers in Germany alone, that all nations on Earth are equal, that international solidarity should bind all the peoples, that no people can lay a claim to a special status etc. What a nation means, he, who himself never dreams of climbing down to those to whom he preaches internationalism, knows well. First a race must be denationalized.

First it must unlearn that its power is in its blood, and when it has reached the level where it has no more pride, the result is a product, a second race, which is lower than the previous one and the Jew needs the lower one in order to organize his final world domination. In order to build it and keep it, he lowers the racial level of the other peoples, so that only he is racially pure and able to eventually rule over all the others. We know that the Hindus in India are a mixed people, stemming from the high Aryan immigrants and from the dark aborigines. And this nation bears the consequences, for it is a slave nation of a race that may seem in many ways almost as a second Jewry. Another problem is the problem of physical decomposition of races. The Jew is trying to eliminate all of which he knows that is somehow strengthening, muscle-steeling, and eliminate above all everything of that which he knows may keep a race so healthy that it will remain determined not to tolerate among themselves national criminals, pests to the national community, but under some circumstances, punish them with death. And that is his great fear and worry; for even the heaviest latches of the safest prison are not so tough, and the prison is not so safe that a few million could not open it eventually.

Only one lock is permanent, and that is death, and in front of it he has the most awe. And therefore he seeks to abolish this barbaric punishment everywhere where he lives as a parasite. But wherever he already is, Lord, it is used ruthlessly. Loud applause And, for the breaking of physical strength, he has excellent means at hand. First of all, he has the trade that should be nothing more than distribution of foodstuffs and other necessary items for daily use. He uses it to withdraw these articles of daily life, when necessary, in order to raise the price on the one hand, but also to withdraw in order to create the conditions for physical weakening which have always worked best: hunger. Everywhere, what we see behind these organizations is not the desire to make a shining organization for food supply, but through them gradually to create hunger.

We know that as a politician he never had reason and cause to shun the hunger, on the contrary, wherever the Jew appeared in political parties, hunger and misery was the only soil in which he could grow. He desires it, and therefore he does not even think of easing social misery. He was a leading proponent of a policy of assimilation for German Jews ] Hand in hand with this goes a battle against the health of the people. He knows how to turn all the healthy normal manners, the obvious hygienic rules of a race on its head, from night he makes day; he creates the notorious nightlife and knows exactly that it works slowly but surely, gradually destroying the healthy strength of a race, making it soft; the one is destroyed physically, the other spiritually, and into the heart of the third it puts the hatred as he has to see the others feast. And finally, as a last resort, he destroys the productive capacity, and if necessary, in connection with it, the productive resources of a nation. That is the great mystery of Russia. They have destroyed factories, not because they knew they would no longer be needed, but because they knew that the people would be forced, with enormous hardships, to replace what had been destroyed.

So the Jew succeeds in harnessing the people, instead of the former 9 and 10 hours, for 12 hours. For at the moment when the Jew becomes Lord, he knows no 8-hour day, he recognizes his Sabbath for his cattle, but not for the Goyim, for the Akum [words for non-Jews]. The destruction of culture Finally, he reaches for the last method: The destruction of all culture, of all that we consider as belonging in a state which we consider civilized. Here is his work perhaps most difficult to recognize, but here the actual effect is the most terrible. This is true inner experience, unlike the other ones, which are only superficial swindle Applause , set in the world with an intent to gradually destroy in the people any healthy idea and to whip the people into a state in which no one can understand whether the times are crazy, or whether he himself is mad. Big laughter and applause. Just as he works in painting, sculpture and music, so he does in poetry and especially in literature.

Here he has a great advantage. What has become of it? A place which today you are ashamed to enter unless someone might notice you the moment you go in. And if theater has become a hotbed of vice and shamelessness, then a thousand times more so that new invention which perhaps comes from genial inspiration, but which the Jew understood right away to remodel into the filthiest business that you can imagine: the cinema. Thunderous applause and clapping. At first people attached greatest hopes to this brilliant invention. It could become an easy mediator of profound knowledge for the entire people of the world.

And what has become of it? It became the mediator of the greatest and the most shameless filth. The Jew works on. For him there is no spiritual sensitivity, and just as his forefather Abraham was selling his wife, he finds nothing special about the fact that today he sells girls, and through the centuries we find him everywhere, in North America as in Germany, Austria-Hungary and all over the East, as the merchant of the human commodity and it can not be denied away; even the greatest Jew defender cannot deny that all of these girl-dealers are Hebrews. This subject is atrocious. According to Germanic sentiment there would be only one punishment for this: death. For people that play fast and loose, regarding as a business, as a commodity, what for millions of others means greatest happiness or greatest misfortune.

For them love is nothing more than business in which they make money. They are always ready to tear apart the happiness of any marriage, if only 30 pieces of silver can be made. It was played up by the Jews and became very popular. So we should not be surprised when he also attacks what many people even today are not indifferent to, and what to many at least can give inner peace — religion. Also here we see the same Jew who himself has enough religious customs which others could easily mock, but no one does, as we, in principle, never ridicule religion because it is sacred to us. But he tries to destroy everything without offering a substitute. Who today, in this age of the vilest deceit and swindle, is detached from it; for him there are just two more possibilities, either he hangs himself in despair or becomes a crook.

Instead of the authority of reason, there enters the authority of the great spongy majority led by the Jew, because the Jew is always going through three periods. First, autocratically-minded, ready to serve any prince, he then descends to the people, fighting for democracy, of which he knows that it will be in his hand, and steered by him; he owns it, he becomes a dictator. Hear, hear And we see this today in Russia, where a Lenin has just assured that the councils are already outlived, and that now it is not absolutely necessary that a proletarian state be led through one council or parliament, that it is sufficient that 2 or 3 proletarian-minded people govern this country. These proletarian-minded persons are some Jewish billionaires, and we know very well that behind 2 or 3 proletarians ultimately stands another organization which is outside of the state: the Alliance Israelite and their grandiose propaganda organization and the organization of Freemasonry. Loud applause and clapping of hands And in all these things we must understand that there are no good or evil Jews. Here everyone works exactly according to the instincts of his race, because the race, or should we say, the nation and its character, as the Jew himself explains, lies in blood, and this blood is forcing everyone to act according to these principles, whether he is the leading mind in a party that calls itself democratic, or calls itself socialist, or a man of science, literature, or just an ordinary exploiter. The political organization And when we see, for example, in these Jewish magazines, that it is specified that every Jew everywhere is obligated to fight against any antisemite, wherever and whoever he is, then it follows by deduction that every German, wherever and whoever he is, will become an antisemite.

Because it seems inseparable from the social idea and we do not believe that there could ever exist a state with lasting inner health if it is not built on internal social justice, and so we have joined forces with this knowledge and when we finally united, there was only one big question: How should we actually baptize ourselves? A party? A bad name! When I hear that word I go mad. Economic organizing only — here lies the salvation and the future. Stormy applause Since it is clear that scientific knowledge is worthless as long as this knowledge is not a basis for an organization of the masses for the implementation of what we consider necessary, and it is further clear that for this organization only the broad masses of our people can be considered. Loud applaus.

The salvation can never come from above, it can and will only come from the masses, from the bottom up. Applause And as we came to this realization and decided to form a party, a political party that wants to enter into the ruthless political struggle for the future, then we heard a voice: Do you believe that you few can do it, do you really believe that a couple of guys can do it? Because we understood that we had an immense battle ahead of us but also that anything created by men can be destroyed by other men. And another conviction has arisen within us, that this can not be a matter of whether we think we can do it, but only a question of whether we believe that it is right and that it is necessary, and if it is right and necessary, then it is no longer a question of whether we want to, but rather it is our duty to do what we feel is necessary. We did not ask after money and supporters, but we decided to go forth. And while others are working a whole generation, perhaps in order to get a small house or to have a carefree retirement, we put our lives at stake and have begun this difficult struggle. If we win, and we are convinced we will, though we may die penniless we will have helped create the biggest movement which will now extend over all Europe and the whole world.

Loud applause The first three principles were clear, and they are inseparable from each other. And we were aware that in this fight we can rely on no one but our own people. We are convinced that socialism in the right sense will only be possible in nations and races that are Aryan, and there in the first place we hope for our own people and are convinced that socialism is inseparable from nationalism. Loud applause To be nationalist does not mean for us to belong to one party or another, but to show with every action that one benefits the people; it means love for all the people without exception. From this point of view we will realize that it is necessary to preserve the most precious thing a people has, the sum of all active creative powers of its workers, to keep it healthy in body and soul. Cheers And this view of nationalism compels us to immediately form a front against its opposite, the Semitic conception of the idea of people Volk , and especially against the Semitic concept of work. Since we are socialists, we must necessarily also be antisemites because we want to fight against the very opposite: materialism and mammonism.

And when today the Jew still runs into our factories and says: How can you be a socialist antisemite? Are not you ashamed?

Нацист и ближайший соратник Гитлера Рудольф Гесс родился 130 лет назад

A speech by Adolf Hitler on foreign policy from 1937. Содержание выступления Гитлера перед военачальниками передал в Москву немецкий коммунист и агент Коминтерна Лео Рот. Речь Гитлера на немецком текст. Фразы на немецком. Цитаты, афоризмы на немецком с переводом Фразы на немецком. Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на.

Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат)

Личный архитектор Гитлера Альберт Шпеер вспоминал, как Гитлеру донесли новость о побеге. Последние записи: Лабиринт английский для детей Учебник по немецкому языку для детей Оператор declare в PHP: объявление констант. The quote in a viral meme with the Nazi leader's picture read: "We tolerate no one in our ranks who attacks the ideas of Christianity. Our movement is Christian.". Немецкий является языком оригинала многих из нижеприведенных цитат, потому что среди немцев было много великих людей.

Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере

Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz. Особого внимания заслуживают интересные высказывания всем известного немецкого политика и оратора Гитлера, который высказывался на многие темы, начиная от народа и заканчивая темой любви. Кстати, цитата на немецком не бьется в отрыве от этой фотографии.

Следующая цитата

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Адольф Гитлер цитаты

Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет нашему великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 01.

Речь 24. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры. Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали. И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну. Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца.

Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь. Эти люди — повсюду, но нигде они не дома. Речь 10. Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям. Я создал … совершенно новое движение.

Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность.

Все наши беды от того, что мы не можем быть одиноки. Границы языка — это границы мира. О том, о чем нельзя говорить, нужно молчать. Редко, когда человек знает, во что же он на самом деле верит. Нельзя оскорбить того, кто не хочет быть оскорбленным. Два величайших тирана в мире: Случай и Время. Иоганн Готфрид Гердер Denn nur die freie Neigung ist Liebe, nur wer sich selber hat, kann sich selber geben. Любовь может быть только добровольной, так как только тот, кто располагает собой, может отдавать себя. Франц Ксавер фон Баадер Для качественного перевода текстов широкой тематики рекомендую обращаться в компанию «Е-Перевод» Begeisterung ist ein guter Treibstoff, doch leider verbrennt er zu schnell.

Albert Schweitzer Вдохновение - хорошее топливо, но, к сожалению, оно слишком быстро сгорает. Albert Schweitzer Единственно важное в жизни - это следы , которые мы оставляем, когда идём. Ambrose Bierce Циник - это человек, который видит вещи такими, какие они есть, и не видит, какими они должны быть. Liebe ist vor allem geistigseelisch. Для многих людей именуется. Не может быть без духовного влечения, но это еще не значит, что она превращается в бледное, бестелесное, платоническое влечение. Телесная близость должна быть воплощением духовной близости и духовного влечения. Wer es zuerst tut, ist verloren. Alles was du im Leben brauchst ist Ignoranz und Uberzeugung, und der Erfolg wird dir sicher sein. У каждого, как у луны, есть темная сторона , которую он никому не показывает.

Man vergisst vielleicht, wo man die Friedenspfeife vergraben hat. Aber man vergisst niemals, wo das Beil liegt.

All these proposals, as you know, have been rejected by the Czechs - proposals of giving the Sudeten German minority a humane treatment and the respect they deserve. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria. It was all in vain. I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this.

For six months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give warnings. In the last few days I have increased these warnings. I left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of to-day with the former Germany would be deceiving themselves. An attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they had committed acts of provocation. I do not know in what these provocations on the part of women and children consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no great Power can with honour long stand by passively and watch such events. I made one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of the Italian Government. Mussolini proposed a conference of the major powers in Munich. Mussolini agreed on the cession to Germany of the Sudeten German territory and the measures consequent thereon, and by this agreement the Czechoslovak government was to be hold responsible for the steps necessary to secure its fulfilment.

For a whole day I sat in my Government and waited to see whether the Czech government would abide to the agreement the major powers of Europe had concluded in order to prevent a major war in Europe. Deputies, if the German Government and its Leader patiently endured such treatment Germany would deserve only to disappear from the political stage. But I am wrongly judged if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice. I, therefore, decided last night and informed the British Government that in these circumstances I can no longer find any willingness on the part of the Czechoslovak Government to conduct serious negotiations with us. These proposals for mediation have failed because in the meanwhile there, first of all, came as an answer the sudden Czechoslovak general mobilization, followed by more Czech atrocities. These were again repeated last night. Recently there have been as many as twenty-one incidents in which Czech military formations have killed innocent Sudeten Germans without provocations. Last night there were fourteen, of which one was quite serious. I have, therefore, resolved to speak to Czechoslovakia in the same language that Czechoslovakia for months past has used toward us and the Sudeten German minority.

This attitude on the part of the Reich will not change. The other European States understand in part our attitude. I should like here above all to thank Italy as well as Hungary, which throughout have supported us, but you will understand that for the carrying on of this struggle we do not intend to appeal to foreign help. We will carry out this task ourselves. The neutral States have assured us of their neutrality, just as we had already guaranteed it to them. When statesmen in the West declare that this affects their interests, I can only regret such a declaration.

Немецкий является языком оригинала многих из нижеприведенных цитат, потому что среди немцев было много великих людей. Es ist die einzige. Это единственная возможность. Источник Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом «Национал-социализму принадлежит будущее, я не побоюсь сказать, что это будет XXI век. Я не удивлюсь, если в XXI веке национал-социализм победит в России. За годы этой войны я вынужден был пересмотреть свое расовое мировоззрение. Вот что я Вам скажу, никто здесь, в Европе, не знает Россию и никогда ее не знал. Я вовсе не идеализирую русских, отнюдь, в русских все-таки слишком много азиатского. Но факт остается фактом, русская нация оказалась сильнее и выносливее в этой безумной войне, и я не удивлюсь, если спасение для белой расы придет с Востока. Это будет логично. Гитлер «Когда мы создадим Великую Германию, о нас могут думать все что угодно. У нас нет никакой необходимости цепляться за буржуазные понятия чести и морального облика. То, что они делают, виновато скрывая от других, мы делаем с чистой совестью», — заявил однажды Гитлер. Нет более тупых людей, чем американцы. Они никогда не смогут сражаться как герои. Чем грандиознее ложь, тем легче ей готовы поверить. Говоря о завоевании мира, мы не можем не обращать внимания на шестую часть суши. Только фанатичная толпа легко управляема. Кто разрушает дело Божие, тот ополчается против воли Божьей. Удар молота судьбы, опрокидывающий одного, натыкается вдруг на сталь у другого. Даже если вы тысячу раз признаете нас виновными, вечный суд истории оправдает нас и со смехом выбросит вердикт вашего суда. Если какая-нибудь страна, подобно России, отгораживается от всего мира,то лишь с целью лишить своих граждан возможностей для сравнения. Никогда ещё в истории ни одно государство не было создано мирной хозяйственной деятельностью. Победителя никто не спросит, правду он говорил или нет. Перед лицом великой цели никакие жертвы не покажутся слишком большими. Только безыдейные и слабоумные люди могут считать, что те или иныегосударственные границы на нашей земле являются чем-то навекинезыблемым и не подлежащим изменениям. Я пришёл в этот мир не для того, чтобы сделать людей лучше, а для того, чтобы использовать их слабости. Воспитать широкие массы народа в национальном духе можно только на путях поднятия их социального уровня. Люди бывают склонны приносить жертвы лишь тогда, когда они могутдействительно ждать успеха, а не тогда, когда бесцельность этих жертвочевидна. Светские школы недопустимы, так как в таких школах нет религиозногообучения, а общее нравственное обучение без религиозного основаниязиждится на пустоте; следовательно, воспитание личности и религиядолжны основываться на Вере. Нам нужные верующие люди. Сила христианства состояла например вовсе не в попытках соглашения ипримирения, скажем, с близкими ему философскими мнениями древних. Она состояла в непреклонной фанатической защите только одного своегособственного учения. Каждый художник, который изображает небо зелёным, а траву голубой, должен быть подвергнут стерилизации. Чтобы излечить какую-либо болезнь, надо сначала понять, каковы её возбудители. То же самое относится и к лечению политических болезней. Никогда нельзя встретить лисы, которая обнаруживала бы какие-нибудь гуманные намерения по отношению к гусю, как никогда мы не встретим кошки, склонной к дружбе с мышами. Пока я руковожу партией, она не будет дискуссионным клубом для безродных литераторов и салонных большевиков. В последнем счете всегда побеждает только инстинкт самосохранения. Поддавлением этого инстинкта вся так называемая человечность, являющаясятолько выражением чего-то среднего между глупостью, трусостью исамомнением, тает как снег на весеннем солнце.

Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат)

Gradually, this small workshop became a big factory. But workshops and tools, machines and factories have, per se, no value able to produce value but are a means to an end. What produces value is work, and the few cents which made it possible to survive difficult times and buy some fabrics, multiplied through time, stand before us today — we call it Capital for continued operation in bad times, that is Working Capital. Here I want to emphasize one thing: Tools, workshop, machine, factory — or working capital, that is, industrial capital — against this you cannot fight at all. You can perhaps make sure that it is not abused but you cannot fight against it. This is the first major scam that one makes to our people, and they make it to distract us from the real fight, to pull it off from the capital which should and must be fought — from the loan and financial capital. Stormy bravo! This capital arises in a very different way. The smallest master craftsman was dependent on the fate that might affect him every day, on the general situation in the middle Ages, perhaps on the size of his city and its prosperity, the security in this city.

Also today is this capital, that is, the industrial capital tied to the state and to the people, depending on the will of the people to work, but depending also on the possibility to procure raw materials in order to be able to offer work and find buyers who will really buy the product. And we know that a collapse of the state, under certain circumstances, renders the greatest values worthless, devalues them, as distinguished from the other capital, the finance and loan capital, which accrues interest very evenly without any regard to whether the owner, for example, of these 10,000 Mark himself passes away or not. The debt remains on the estate. We know that this railway fortunately has now a 20 billion deficit but their bonds must bear interest, and even though they were sold, in part, more than 60 years ago and have already been repaid four times, the debt, the interest, runs further, and while a great nation gains nothing on this company, it still must bleed; the loan capital continues to grow completely irrespective of any outside disturbance. Here we already see the first possibility, namely that this kind of money-making, which is independent of all the events and incidents of daily life, must necessarily, because it is never hindered and always runs evenly, gradually lead to huge capitals which are so enormous that they ultimately have only one fault, namely the difficulty of their further accommodation. To accommodate this capital, you have to proceed to destroying whole states, to destroy entire cultures, to abolish national industries — not to socialize, but to throw all into the jaws of this international capital — because this capital is international, as the only thing on this Earth that is truly international. It is international because its carrier, the Jews, are international through their distribution across the world. Consent And already here one should knock oneself on the head and say: if this capital is international because its carrier is distributed internationally, it must be madness to think that this capital can be fought internationally with the help of the members of the same race which possesses it.

Hear, hear Fire is not extinguished by fire but by water and the international capital belonging to the international Jew can only be broken by a national force. Bravo and applause! So, this capital has grown to incredibly large proportions and today virtually rules the Earth, still eerily growing and — the worst! For it is appalling that the common man who has to bear the burden in order to return the capital sees that, despite his hard work, diligence, thrift and in spite of the real work, he is hardly able to nourish himself and still less to dress, while this international capital devours billions just in interest, which he also must supply, and at the same time a whole racial stratum which does no other work than collect interest and cut coupons, spreads in the state. This is a degradation of any honest work, for every honestly working man must ask today: Does it have a purpose at all that I work? Yes, one of the foundations of our strength is being destroyed, namely the ethical concept of work, and that was the brilliant idea of Karl Marx to falsify the ethical concept of work, and the whole mass of the people who groan under the Capital are to be organized for the destruction of the national economy and for the protection of international finance-and-loan capital. Stormy applause We know that today 15 billion of industry capital is facing 500 billion of loan capital. These 15 billion of industry capital is invested in creative values, while this 500 billion loan capital, which we always get in spoonful rates of 6 and 7 billion and which we use in periods of 1 to 2 months to supplement our rations a little, these 6 to 7 billion today which are decreed almost worthless scraps of paper, at a later date, should we ever recover, will have to be repaid in high quality money i.

This is not only the destruction of a state, but already the application of a chain, of a neck collar for later times. National purity as a source of strength The second pillar against which the Jew as a parasite turns, and must turn, is the national purity as a source of the strength of a nation. The Jew, who is himself a nationalist more than any other nation, who through millennia did not mix with any other race, uses intermingling just for others to degenerate them in the best case; this same Jew preaches every day with thousands of tongues, from 19,000 papers in Germany alone, that all nations on Earth are equal, that international solidarity should bind all the peoples, that no people can lay a claim to a special status etc. What a nation means, he, who himself never dreams of climbing down to those to whom he preaches internationalism, knows well. First a race must be denationalized. First it must unlearn that its power is in its blood, and when it has reached the level where it has no more pride, the result is a product, a second race, which is lower than the previous one and the Jew needs the lower one in order to organize his final world domination. In order to build it and keep it, he lowers the racial level of the other peoples, so that only he is racially pure and able to eventually rule over all the others. We know that the Hindus in India are a mixed people, stemming from the high Aryan immigrants and from the dark aborigines.

And this nation bears the consequences, for it is a slave nation of a race that may seem in many ways almost as a second Jewry. Another problem is the problem of physical decomposition of races. The Jew is trying to eliminate all of which he knows that is somehow strengthening, muscle-steeling, and eliminate above all everything of that which he knows may keep a race so healthy that it will remain determined not to tolerate among themselves national criminals, pests to the national community, but under some circumstances, punish them with death. And that is his great fear and worry; for even the heaviest latches of the safest prison are not so tough, and the prison is not so safe that a few million could not open it eventually. Only one lock is permanent, and that is death, and in front of it he has the most awe. And therefore he seeks to abolish this barbaric punishment everywhere where he lives as a parasite. But wherever he already is, Lord, it is used ruthlessly. Loud applause And, for the breaking of physical strength, he has excellent means at hand.

First of all, he has the trade that should be nothing more than distribution of foodstuffs and other necessary items for daily use. He uses it to withdraw these articles of daily life, when necessary, in order to raise the price on the one hand, but also to withdraw in order to create the conditions for physical weakening which have always worked best: hunger. Everywhere, what we see behind these organizations is not the desire to make a shining organization for food supply, but through them gradually to create hunger. We know that as a politician he never had reason and cause to shun the hunger, on the contrary, wherever the Jew appeared in political parties, hunger and misery was the only soil in which he could grow. He desires it, and therefore he does not even think of easing social misery. He was a leading proponent of a policy of assimilation for German Jews ] Hand in hand with this goes a battle against the health of the people. He knows how to turn all the healthy normal manners, the obvious hygienic rules of a race on its head, from night he makes day; he creates the notorious nightlife and knows exactly that it works slowly but surely, gradually destroying the healthy strength of a race, making it soft; the one is destroyed physically, the other spiritually, and into the heart of the third it puts the hatred as he has to see the others feast. And finally, as a last resort, he destroys the productive capacity, and if necessary, in connection with it, the productive resources of a nation.

That is the great mystery of Russia. They have destroyed factories, not because they knew they would no longer be needed, but because they knew that the people would be forced, with enormous hardships, to replace what had been destroyed. So the Jew succeeds in harnessing the people, instead of the former 9 and 10 hours, for 12 hours. For at the moment when the Jew becomes Lord, he knows no 8-hour day, he recognizes his Sabbath for his cattle, but not for the Goyim, for the Akum [words for non-Jews]. The destruction of culture Finally, he reaches for the last method: The destruction of all culture, of all that we consider as belonging in a state which we consider civilized. Here is his work perhaps most difficult to recognize, but here the actual effect is the most terrible. This is true inner experience, unlike the other ones, which are only superficial swindle Applause , set in the world with an intent to gradually destroy in the people any healthy idea and to whip the people into a state in which no one can understand whether the times are crazy, or whether he himself is mad. Big laughter and applause.

Just as he works in painting, sculpture and music, so he does in poetry and especially in literature. Here he has a great advantage. What has become of it? A place which today you are ashamed to enter unless someone might notice you the moment you go in. And if theater has become a hotbed of vice and shamelessness, then a thousand times more so that new invention which perhaps comes from genial inspiration, but which the Jew understood right away to remodel into the filthiest business that you can imagine: the cinema. Thunderous applause and clapping. At first people attached greatest hopes to this brilliant invention. It could become an easy mediator of profound knowledge for the entire people of the world.

They are always ready to tear apart the happiness of any marriage, if only 30 pieces of silver can be made. It was played up by the Jews and became very popular. So we should not be surprised when he also attacks what many people even today are not indifferent to, and what to many at least can give inner peace — religion. Also here we see the same Jew who himself has enough religious customs which others could easily mock, but no one does, as we, in principle, never ridicule religion because it is sacred to us. But he tries to destroy everything without offering a substitute. Who today, in this age of the vilest deceit and swindle, is detached from it; for him there are just two more possibilities, either he hangs himself in despair or becomes a crook. Instead of the authority of reason, there enters the authority of the great spongy majority led by the Jew, because the Jew is always going through three periods. First, autocratically-minded, ready to serve any prince, he then descends to the people, fighting for democracy, of which he knows that it will be in his hand, and steered by him; he owns it, he becomes a dictator.

Hear, hear And we see this today in Russia, where a Lenin has just assured that the councils are already outlived, and that now it is not absolutely necessary that a proletarian state be led through one council or parliament, that it is sufficient that 2 or 3 proletarian-minded people govern this country. These proletarian-minded persons are some Jewish billionaires, and we know very well that behind 2 or 3 proletarians ultimately stands another organization which is outside of the state: the Alliance Israelite and their grandiose propaganda organization and the organization of Freemasonry. Loud applause and clapping of hands And in all these things we must understand that there are no good or evil Jews. Here everyone works exactly according to the instincts of his race, because the race, or should we say, the nation and its character, as the Jew himself explains, lies in blood, and this blood is forcing everyone to act according to these principles, whether he is the leading mind in a party that calls itself democratic, or calls itself socialist, or a man of science, literature, or just an ordinary exploiter. The political organization And when we see, for example, in these Jewish magazines, that it is specified that every Jew everywhere is obligated to fight against any antisemite, wherever and whoever he is, then it follows by deduction that every German, wherever and whoever he is, will become an antisemite. Because it seems inseparable from the social idea and we do not believe that there could ever exist a state with lasting inner health if it is not built on internal social justice, and so we have joined forces with this knowledge and when we finally united, there was only one big question: How should we actually baptize ourselves? A party? A bad name!

When I hear that word I go mad. Economic organizing only — here lies the salvation and the future. Stormy applause Since it is clear that scientific knowledge is worthless as long as this knowledge is not a basis for an organization of the masses for the implementation of what we consider necessary, and it is further clear that for this organization only the broad masses of our people can be considered. Loud applaus.

In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Czechoslovak government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Czechoslovak Government is ready to do so. I am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers. In this I will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight. This night for the first time Czech regular soldiers fired on our territory. Three German soldiers and five Sudeten Germans were killed by Czech soldiers at Egerteich without provocation. Since 6. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured. For five years now I have been working on the building up of the German defences. Over 90 millions have in that time been spent on the building up of these defence forces. They are now the best equipped and are above all comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable. When I called up these forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the German people and if necessary every sacrifice, then I have a right to do so, for I also am to-day absolutely ready, just as we were formerly, to make every possible sacrifice. I am asking of no German man more than I myself was ready throughout four years at any time to do. There will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself will not submit. My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people. I am from now on just first soldier of the German Reich. I have once more put on that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again until victory is secured, or I will not survive the outcome. As a National Socialist and as German soldier I enter upon this struggle with a stout heart. My whole life has been nothing but one long struggle for my people, for its restoration, and for Germany. There was only one watchword for that struggle: faith in this people. One word I have never learned: that is, surrender. If, however, anyone thinks that we are facing a hard time, I should ask him to remember that once a Prussian King, with a ridiculously small State, opposed a stronger coalition, and in three wars finally came out successful because that State had that stout heart that we need in these times. I would, therefore, like to assure all the world that a November 1918 will never be repeated in German history. Just as I myself am ready at any time to stake my life - anyone can take it for my people and for Germany - so I ask the same of all others. Whoever, however, thinks he can oppose this national command, whether directly of indirectly, shall fall.

И теперь я с гордостью могу признать, что подобно тому, как наша национальная социалистическая партия всегда была укоренена в нашем народе, так и теперь мы, уже в качестве правительства, всегда думаем как народ, вместе с народом и о народе! Речь 30. Речь 26. В первую очередь мы думаем о благе нашего народа. Речь 02. И в будущем мы будем жить так, чтобы в глазах каждого немца мы по-прежнему оставались порядочными и честными людьми. Наша власть — только та, которую мы нашли и укрепили в сердцах нашего народа. Речь 13. Речь 04. Призыв на выборы 31. Если ты бросаешь на произвол судьбы одно, тебе придется отказаться и от другого. Такой народ превращается в игрушку для чужеродных сил. Речь 27. Ты силен, когда ты един. Чтобы быть сильным, тебе нужно победить в своем сердце дух классовой вражды и раздора. Как только мы заканчиваем разработку какого-либо закона, я выношу его проект на рассмотрение этих людей и спрашиваю их: «Пожалуйста, что здесь неправильно? При этом они знают, что мне не нужны советчики, умеющие только «поддакивать». Наоборот, мне требуется от них аргументированная критика тех недостатков наших мероприятий, которые способны затруднить их проведение в жизнь. Уж если наш народ в чем и нуждается, то только не в парламентских вождях. Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Причем, если понадобиться, и вопреки господствующей на данный момент точке зрения внушаемого большинства. Умело направляемая воля меньшинства всегда будет брать верх над аморфным безвольным большинством. Речь 05. Речь 12. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить гарантией максимальной концентрации немецкой мощи! Это государство переживает сейчас пору своей юности. По прошествии столетий оно достигнет зрелости, и можете быть уверены - ему суждено прожить не одну тысячу лет! Они — его плоть и кровь, и будут оставаться таковыми столько, сколько будет жив немецкий народ. Сильное государство никогда не было и никогда не будет просто набором территорий. Главная и единственная надежная опора нашего государства — немецкий народ и национальное социалистическое Движение. Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет этому великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17. Хотя, лиха беда - начало, можно докатиться и до того, что жизнь какого-нибудь народа перестанет быть его внутренним делом , а окажется в абсолютной зависимости от воли иностранцев и будет полностью определяться внешнеполитической коньюнктурой. Нельзя, однако, сказать, что такое положение является нормальным или желательным. Просто, так может случиться. И тогда самое главное — чтобы этому народу удалось создать предпосылки для изменения такого положения. Именно потому, что мы — националисты, мы уважаем национальные чувства других народов. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 24. Мы готовы протянуть руку дружбы нашим прежним оппонентам. Под самыми печальными и кровавыми строками мировой истории должна быть навсегда подведена черта. Речь 10. Неверный путь привел к печальным результатам. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры. Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали. И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну. Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца. Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь. Интервью 05. Самонадеянные попытки примерно «наказать» большой народ путем удаления его с исторической сцены не могут продолжаться вечно, и однажды им непременно будет положен конец. Сколько еще можно всерьез рассчитывать на то, что великая нация будет и далее покорно терпеть подобную несправедливость по отношению к себе? Что значит сиюминутный произвол победителей в сравнении с веками исторического развития? Немецкий народ обязательно вернет себе свое законное место среди европейских народов. Даже - если эти наши права уже были пущены с молотка жалкой кучкой грязных политиков. Эти политики оказались проходящими, а вот Германия останется вечной! Прокламация 05. Вам никогда нас не сломить, не заставить смириться с вашим ярмом! Вам больше не удастся принудить немецкий народ отказаться от его требования равноправия с другими народами! Но — ни в коем случае не лишенными чести! Интервью 16. Никто в мире не имеет права лишать этого великую нацию, и ни у кого не хватит сил долго удерживать ее в таком положении. Речь 23. Я был бы счастлив, если бы этот злосчастный психоз наконец закончился и обе родственные нации смогли бы вновь обрести прежнюю дружбу. Основной принцип, которым руководствуется немецкое правительство в своей внешней политике , заключается в том, что наше отношение к другим странам определяется отнюдь не тем, какого рода конституцию и форму правления избрали для себя народы этих стран. И мы считаем такой уважительный подход само собой разумеющимся. Именно наше правительство, - правительство национальной революции, - считает себя особо расположенным к такой позитивной политике по отношению к Советской России. Борьба же против коммунизма в Германии является нашим внутренним делом, вмешательства в которое извне мы не потерпим никогда. Межгосударственные отношения с другими державами, с которыми нас связывают общие интересы, никак этим не затрагиваются! Речь 14. Эти люди — повсюду, но нигде они не дома. Открытое письмо 14. Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям. Это — не милитаризм, а закон самосохранения. Теперь пора бы и другим, по-прежнему вооруженным, государствам принять на себя и выполнить аналогичные обязательства. Раньше мы были оппозицией, а сегодня под нашим знаменем марширует вся немецкая нация! Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность. И это были как раз те самые умники, чье поверхностное знание истории давало им повод иронизировать над нашими попытками. Сии благоразумные господа в лучшем случае удостаивали нас своими глумливо-соболезнующими ухмылками. Обращение 09.

I made one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of the Italian Government. Mussolini proposed a conference of the major powers in Munich. Mussolini agreed on the cession to Germany of the Sudeten German territory and the measures consequent thereon, and by this agreement the Czechoslovak government was to be hold responsible for the steps necessary to secure its fulfilment. For a whole day I sat in my Government and waited to see whether the Czech government would abide to the agreement the major powers of Europe had concluded in order to prevent a major war in Europe. Deputies, if the German Government and its Leader patiently endured such treatment Germany would deserve only to disappear from the political stage. But I am wrongly judged if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice. I, therefore, decided last night and informed the British Government that in these circumstances I can no longer find any willingness on the part of the Czechoslovak Government to conduct serious negotiations with us. These proposals for mediation have failed because in the meanwhile there, first of all, came as an answer the sudden Czechoslovak general mobilization, followed by more Czech atrocities. These were again repeated last night. Recently there have been as many as twenty-one incidents in which Czech military formations have killed innocent Sudeten Germans without provocations. Last night there were fourteen, of which one was quite serious. I have, therefore, resolved to speak to Czechoslovakia in the same language that Czechoslovakia for months past has used toward us and the Sudeten German minority. This attitude on the part of the Reich will not change. The other European States understand in part our attitude. I should like here above all to thank Italy as well as Hungary, which throughout have supported us, but you will understand that for the carrying on of this struggle we do not intend to appeal to foreign help. We will carry out this task ourselves. The neutral States have assured us of their neutrality, just as we had already guaranteed it to them. When statesmen in the West declare that this affects their interests, I can only regret such a declaration. It cannot for a moment make me hesitate to fulfil my duty. What more is wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it, that we ask nothing of those Western States and never will ask anything. I have declared that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one. I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find response on the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, and our western wall is for all time the frontier of the Reich on the west. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind there for the future. With this assurance we are in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not violate their neutrality we will likewise take every care to respect it. I am determined to solve 1 the Sudeten question and 2 to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Czechoslovakia that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Czechoslovak government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Czechoslovak Government is ready to do so. I am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers.

Адольф Гитлер цитаты

They are being oppressed in an inhuman and intolerable manner and treated in an undignified way. When 3,500,000 who belong to a people of almost 80,000,000 are not allowed to sing any song that the Czechs do not like because it does not please the Czechs or are brutally struck for wearing white stockings because the Czechs do not like it, and do not want to see them, and are terrorized or maltreated because they greet with a form of salutation that is not agreeable to them, although they are greeting not Czechs but one another, and when they are pursued like wild beasts for every expression of their national life. This may be a matter of indifference to several representatives of our democracies or they may possibly even be sympathetic because it concerns only 3,500,000 Germans. I can only say to representatives of the democracies that this is not a matter of indifference to us. And I say that if these tortured creatures cannot obtain rights and assistance by themselves, they can obtain both from us. An end must be made of depriving these people of their rights. I have already said this quite clearly in my speech of February 22. It was a short-sighted piece of work when the statesmen at Versailles brought the abnormal structure of Czechoslovakia into being. It was possible to violate the demands of millions of another nationality only so long as the brother nation itself was suffering from the consequences of general maltreatment by the world. To believe that such a regime could go on sinning without hindrance forever was possible only through a scarcely credible degree of blindness. I declared in my speech of February 22 before the Reichstag that the Reich would not tolerate any further continued oppression of 3,500,000 Germans, and I hope that the foreign statesmen will be convinced that these were no mere words.

The National Socialist State has consented to very great sacrifices indeed, very great national sacrifices for the sake of European peace; not only has it not cherished so-called thoughts of revenge, but on the contrary it has banished them from all its public and private life. As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by pressure. For twenty years there was the opportunity for the Czechoslovak government of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and understanding. All these proposals, as you know, have been rejected by the Czechs - proposals of giving the Sudeten German minority a humane treatment and the respect they deserve. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria. It was all in vain. I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights.

Nobody can say this. For six months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give warnings. In the last few days I have increased these warnings. I left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of to-day with the former Germany would be deceiving themselves. An attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they had committed acts of provocation. I do not know in what these provocations on the part of women and children consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no great Power can with honour long stand by passively and watch such events. I made one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of the Italian Government. Mussolini proposed a conference of the major powers in Munich. Mussolini agreed on the cession to Germany of the Sudeten German territory and the measures consequent thereon, and by this agreement the Czechoslovak government was to be hold responsible for the steps necessary to secure its fulfilment.

Хотите ли вы её, если надо, тотальней и радикальней, чем мы её себе можем сегодня представить? Когда Геббельс задал пятый вопрос: «Доверяете ли вы сегодня фюреру больше, сильнее, непоколебимее, чем когда-либо? На заключительную часть речи Геббельс потратил целый час. При этом, по утверждению историка Хельмута Хейбера, Геббельс считал, что на самом деле человеком, который уже давно ведёт такую войну с Германией, был Иосиф Сталин [3].

A critical situation cannot be remedied by collaborating with the causes of it but by a radical extermination of these causes. Hence under such conditions the political struggle must necessarily take the form of a revolution. Nor would it be possible to bring this about by collaborating with these institutions, but only by establishing a new movement which will fight against them for the purpose of carrying through a radical reformation in political, cultural and economic life.

And this fight will have to be undertaken even at the sacrifice of life and blood, if that should be necessary. In this connection it is worthy of remark that when the average political party wins a parliamentary victory no essential change takes place in the historical course which the people are following or in the outer aspect of public life; whereas a genuine revolution that arises from a profound ideological insight will always lead to a transformation which is strikingly impressive and is manifest to the outside world. Surely nobody will doubt the fact that during the last four years a revolution of the most momentous character has passed like a storm over Germany.

Who could compare this new Germany with that which existed on the 30th. I am speaking of a National Socialist Revolution; but this revolutionary process in Germany had a particular character of its own, which may have been the reason why the outside world and so many of our fellow-countrymen failed to understand the profound nature of the transformation that took place. I do not deny that this peculiar feature, which has been for us the most outstanding characteristic of the lines along which the National Socialist Revolution took place—a feature which we can be specially proud of—has hindered rather than helped to make this unique historic event understood abroad and among some of our own people.

For the National Socialist Revolution was in itself a revolution in the revolutionary tradition. What I mean is this: Throughout thousands of years the conviction grew up and prevailed, not so much in the German mind as in the minds of the contemporary world, that bloodshed and the extermination of those hitherto in power—together with the destruction of public and private institutions and property—were essential characteristics of every true revolution. Mankind in general has grown accustomed to accept revolutions with all these consequences somehow or other as if they were legal happenings.

I do not mean that people endorse all this tumultuous destruction of life and property; but they certainly accept it as the necessary accompaniment of events which, because of this very reason, are called revolutions. Herein lies the difference between the National Socialist Revolution and other revolutions, with the exception of the Fascist Revolution in Italy. The National Socialist Revolution was almost entirely a bloodless proceeding.

When the party took over power in Germany, after overthrowing the very formidable obstacles that had stood in its way, it did so without causing any damage whatsoever to property. I can say with a certain amount of pride that this was the first revolution in which not even a window-pane was broken. If this revolution was bloodless that was not because we were not manly enough to look at blood.

I was a soldier for more than four years in a war where more blood was shed than ever before throughout human history. I never lost my nerve, no matter what the situation was and no matter what sights I had to face. The same holds good for my party colleagues.

But we did not consider it as part of the program of the National Socialist Revolution to destroy human life or material goods, but rather to build up a new and better life. And it is the greatest source of pride to us that we have been able to carry through this revolution, which is certainly the greatest revolution ever experienced in the history of our people, with a minimum of loss and sacrifice. Only in those cases where the murderous lust of the Bolsheviks, even after the 30th of January, 1933, led them to think that by the use of brute force they could prevent the success and realization of the National Socialist ideal—only then did we answer violence with violence, and naturally we did it promptly.

Certain other individuals of a naturally undisciplined temperament, and who had no political consciousness whatsoever, had to be taken into protective custody; but, generally speaking, these individuals were given their freedom after a short period. Beyond this there was a small number who took part in politics only for the purpose of establishing an alibi for their criminal activities, which were proved by the numerous sentences to prison and penal servitude that had been passed upon them previously. We prevented such individuals from pursuing their destructive careers, inasmuch as we set them to do some useful work, probably for the first time in their lives.

I do not know if there ever has been a resolution which was of such a profound character as the National Socialist Revolution and which at the same time allowed innumerable persons who had been prominent in political circles under the former regime to follow their respective callings in private life peacefully and without causing them any worry. Not only that, but even many among our bitterest enemies, some of whom had occupied the highest positions in the government, were allowed to enjoy their regular emoluments and pensions. That is what we did.

But this policy did not always help our reputation abroad. If the revolution in Germany had taken place according to the democratic model in Spain these strange apostles of non-intervention abroad would probably find that there was nothing which they need to worry about. People closely acquainted with the state of affairs in Spain have assured us that if we place the number of persons who have been slaughtered in this bestial way at 170.

Measured by the achievements of the noble democratic revolutionaries in Spain, the quota of human beings allotted for slaughter to the National Socialist Revolution would have been about 400. That we did not carry out this mass-slaughter is apparently looked on as a piece of negligence on our part. We see that the democratic world-citizens are by no means gracious in their criticism of this leniency.

We certainly had the power in our hands to do what has been done in Spain. And probably we had better nerves than the murderer who steals upon his victim unawares, shunning the open fight, and who is capable only of murdering defenseless [sic] hostages. We have been soldiers and we never flinched in the face of battle throughout that most gruesome war of all times.

Our hearts and, I may also add, our sound common sense saved us from committing any acts like those which have been done in Spain. Taking it all in all, fewer lives were sacrificed in the National Socialist Revolution than the number of National Socialist followers who were murdered in Germany by our Bolshevik opponents in the year 1932 alone, when there was no revolution. This absence of bloodshed and destruction was made possible solely because we had adopted a principle which not only guided our conduct in the past but which we shall also never forget in the future.

This principle was that the purpose of a revolution, or of any general change in the condition of public affairs, cannot be to produce chaos but only to replace what is bad by substituting something better. In such cases, however, something better must be ready at hand. On the 30th.

All the means employed in carrying on that struggle were strictly within the law as it then stood and the protagonists in the fight were the National Socialists. Before the new State could be actually established and promulgated, the idea of it and the model for its organization had already existed within the framework of our party. All the fundamental principles on which the new Reich was to be constructed were the principles and ideas already embodied in the National Socialist Party.

As a result of the constitutional struggle to win over our German fellow-countrymen to our side the party had established its predominance in the Reichstag and for a whole year before it actually assumed power it already had the right to demand this power for itself, even according to the principles of the parliamentary-democratic system. But it was essential for the National Socialist Revolution that this party should put forward demands which of themselves would involve a real revolutionary change in the principles and institutions of government hitherto in force. When certain individuals who were blind to the actual state of affairs thought that they could refuse to submit to the practical application of the principles of the movement which had been entrusted with the government of the Reich, then, but not until then, the party used an iron hand to make these illegal disturbers of the peace bend their stubborn necks before the laws of the new National Socialist Reich and Government.

With this act the National Socialist Revolution came to an end. For as soon as the party had taken over power, and this new condition of affairs was consolidated, I looked upon it as a matter of course that the Revolution should be transformed into an evolution. The new development which now set in, however, meant that there had to be a new orientation not merely of our ideas but also in regard to the practical policy which we had to carry out.

Even today certain individuals who have fallen in the march of events refuse to adapt themselves to this change. They cannot understand it because it is beyond their mental horizon or outside the sphere of their egotistic interests. Our National Socialist teaching has undoubtedly a revolutionizing effect in many spheres of life and has interfered and acted under the revolutionary impulse.

The main plank in the National Socialist program is to abolish the liberalistic concept of the individual and the Marxist concept of humanity and to substitute therefore the folk community, rooted in the soil and bound together by the bond of its common blood. A very simple statement; but it involves a principle that has tremendous consequences. This is probably the first time and this is the first country in which people are being taught to realize that, of all the tasks which we have to face, the noblest and most sacred for mankind is that each racial species must preserve the purity of the blood which God has given it.

And thus it happens that for the first time it is now possible for men to use their God-given faculties of perception and insight in the understanding of those problems which are of more momentous importance for the preservation of human existence than all the victories that may be won on the battlefield or the successes that may be obtained through economic efforts. It is not for men to discuss the question of why Providence created different races, but rather to recognize the fact that it punishes those who disregard its work of creation. Unspeakable suffering and misery have come upon mankind because they lost this instinct which was grounded in a profound intuition; and this loss was caused by a wrong and lopsided education of the intellect.

Among our people there are millions and millions of persons living today for whom this law has become clear and intelligible. What individual seers and the still unspoiled natures of our forefathers saw by direct perception has now become a subject of scientific research in Germany. And I can prophesy here that, just as the knowledge that the earth moves around the sun led to a revolutionary alternation in the general world-picture, so the blood-and-race doctrine of the National Socialist Movement will bring about a revolutionary change in our knowledge and therewith a radical reconstruction of the picture which human history gives us of the past and will also change the course of that history in the future.

And this will not lead to an estrangement between the nations; but, on the contrary, it will bring about for the first time a real understanding of one another. At the same time, however, it will prevent the Jewish people from intruding themselves among all the other nations as elements of internal disruption, under the mask of honest world-citizens, and thus gaining power over these nations. We feel convinced that the consequences of this really revolutionizing vision of truth will bring about a radical transformation in German life.

For the first time in our history, The German people have found the way to a higher unity than they ever had before; and that is due to the compelling attraction of this inner feeling. Innumerable prejudices have been broken down, many barriers have been overthrown as unreasonable, evil traditions have been wiped out and antiquated symbols shown to be meaningless. From that chaos of disunion which had been caused by tribal, dynastic, philosophical, religious and political strife, the German nation has arisen and has unfurled the banner of a reunion which symbolically announces, not a political triumph, but the triumph of the racial principle.

For the past four-and-a-half years German legislation has upheld and enforced this idea. Just as on January 30th, 1933, a state of affairs already in existence was legalized by the fact that I was entrusted with the chancellorship, whereby the party whose supremacy in Germany had then become unquestionable was not authorized to take over the government of the Reich and mould the future destiny of Germany; so this German legislation that has been in force for the past four years was only the legal sanction which gave jurisdiction and binding force to an idea that had already been clearly formulated and promulgated by the party. When the German community, based on the racial blood-bond, became realized in the German State we all felt that this would remain one of the finest moments to be remembered during our lives.

Like a blast of springtime it passed over Germany four years ago. The fighting forces of our movement who for many years had defended the banner of the Hooked Cross against the superior forces of the enemy, and had carried it steadily forward for a long fourteen years, now planted it firmly in the soil of the new Reich. Within a few weeks the political debris and the social prejudices which had been accumulating through a thousand years of German history were removed and cleared away.

May we not speak of a revolution when the chaotic conditions brought about by parliamentary-democracy disappear in less than three months and a regime of order and discipline takes their place, and a new energy springs forth from a firmly welded unity and a comprehensive authoritative power such as Germany never before had? So great was the Revolution that its intellectual foundations are not even yet understood but are superficially criticized by our contemporaries. They talk of democracies and dictatorships; but they fail to grasp the fact that in this country a radical transformation has taken place and has produced results which are democratic in the highest sense of the word, if democracy has any meaning at all.

With infallible certainty we are steering towards an order of things in which a process of selection will become active in the political leadership of the nation, as it exists throughout the whole of life in general. By this process of selection, which will follow the laws of Nature and the dictates of human reason, those among our people who show the greatest natural ability will be appointed to positions in the political leadership of the nation. In making this selection no consideration will be given to birth or ancestry, name or wealth, but only to the question of whether or not the candidate has a natural vocation for those higher positions of leadership.

In this country that principle will have its political counterpart. Is there a nobler or more excellent kind of Socialism and is there a truer form of Democracy than this National Socialism which is so organized that through it each one among the millions of German boys is given the possibility of finding his way to the highest office in the nation, should it please Providence to come to his aid. And that is no theory.

In the present National Socialist Germany it is a reality that is considered by us all as a matter of course. I myself, to whom the people have given their trust and who have been called to be their leader, come from the people. All the millions of German workers know that it is not a foreign dilettante or an international revolutionary apostle who is at the head of the Reich, but a German who has come from their own ranks.

And numerous people whose families belong to the peasantry and working classes are now filling prominent positions in this National Socialist State. Some of them actually hold the highest offices in the leadership of the nation, as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter. But National Socialism always bears in mind the interests of the people as a whole and not the interests of one class or another.

The National Socialist Revolution has not aimed at turning a privileged class into a class which will have no rights in the future. Its aim has been to grant equal rights to those social strata that hitherto were denied such rights. We have not ruined millions of citizens by degrading them to the level of enslaved workers.

Our aim has been to educate slaves to be German citizens. One thing will certainly be quite clear to every German; and this is that revolutions as acts of terror can only be of short duration. If revolutions are not able to produce something new they will end up by devouring the whole of the national patrimony which existed before them.

From the assumption of power as an act of force the beneficial work of peace must be promptly developed. But those who abolish classes for the purpose of putting new classes in their place sow the seeds of new revolutions. The bourgeois citizen who has the ruling power in his hands today will become a proletarian if he is banished to Siberia tomorrow and condemned to enforced lab our there.

He will then yearn for hisday of deliverance, just as did the proletarian of former times, who now thinks that his turn has come to play the despot. Therefore the National Socialist Revolution never aimed at bringing in one class of the German people and turning out another. One the contrary, our objective has been to make it possible for the whole German people to work, not only in the economic but also in the political field, and to guarantee this possibility by organizing the various classes into one national unit.

The National Socialist Movement, however, limits its sphere of internal activity to those individuals who belong to one people and it refuses to allow the members of a foreign race to wield an influence over our political, intellectual, or cultural life. And we refuse to accord to the members of a foreign race any predominant position in our national economic system. In this folk-community, which is based on the bond of blood, and in the results which National Socialism has obtained by making the idea of this community understood among the public, lies the most profound reason for the marvelous success of our Revolution.

Confronted with this new and vigorous ideal, all idols and relics of the past which had been upheld by dynastic interests, tribal affiliations and even party interests, now began to lose their glamour. That is why the whole party system of former times completely collapsed in a few weeks, without giving rise to the feeling that something had been lost. They were superseded by a better ideal.

A new movement took their place. A reorganization of our people into a national unit that includes all those whose lab our is productive simply pushed aside the old organizations of employers and employees. The symbolic emblems of the recent past, which was a period of disintegration and disability, were banished, not—as in 1918 or 1919—through a resolution voted by a committee appointed to invent a new symbol for the Reich, as if the choice were to depend on the results of a prize competition.

Since that day it has become the consecrated symbol of his national resurgence on land and sea and in the air. There could be no more eloquent proof of how profoundly the German people have understood the significance of this change and new development than the manner in which the nation sanctioned our regime at the polls on so many occasions during the years that followed. So, of all those who like to point again and again to the democratic form of government as the institution which is based on the universal will of the people, in contrast to dictatorships, nobody has a better right to speak in the name of the people than I have.

Among the results of this phase of the German Revolution I may enumerate the following: — 1 Since that time there is only one trustee of supreme power among the German people and that trustee is the whole people itself. Anyone who compares this state of affairs with the condition of Germany before January 1933 will realize what a tremendous transformation is indicated by these few short statements. But this transformation is only a result that has followed from carrying a fundamental axiom of the National Socialist doctrine into practical effect.

This axiom is that the only reasonable meaning and purpose of all human thought and conduct cannot be to create or to maintain structures, organizations or functions made by men, but only to preserve and develop the innate character of the people itself; for Providence has given us this character as the groundwork of all our constructive efforts. Through the successful issue of the National Socialist Movement the people as such was placed above any organization, construction or function, as the sole element that is always there and will permanently abide. The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no theory about it can be laid down.

But the meaning and purpose of human organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the one existing element that must abide. The people—the race—is the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental.

They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which their energies are directed towards this task. If they are incapable of fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be reformed or removed and replaced by something better.

It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the only valid dogma. All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag, understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how important these principles were proved to be when they were put into practice.

There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no blood was shed and no property wrecked. For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing in a way that led to a state of general confusion. This was partly due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our national character and also partly because the German mind itself did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant.

This confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner clarity as to the function of law and justice.

Постоянны только изменения. Die Freunde nennen sich aufrichtig. Die Feinde sind es. Друзьями себя называют.

Врагами — являются. Прощать и забывать, значит выбрасывать ценный опыт в окно. Артур Шопенгауэр Wir denken selten an das, was wir haben, aber immer an das, was uns fehlt. Мы редко думаем о том, что имеем, но всегда о том, чего нам не хватает. Все наши беды от того, что мы не можем быть одиноки.

Границы языка — это границы мира. О том, о чем нельзя говорить, нужно молчать. Редко, когда человек знает, во что же он на самом деле верит. Нельзя оскорбить того, кто не хочет быть оскорбленным. Два величайших тирана в мире: Случай и Время.

Иоганн Готфрид Гердер Denn nur die freie Neigung ist Liebe, nur wer sich selber hat, kann sich selber geben. Любовь может быть только добровольной, так как только тот, кто располагает собой, может отдавать себя. Франц Ксавер фон Баадер Для качественного перевода текстов широкой тематики рекомендую обращаться в компанию «Е-Перевод» Begeisterung ist ein guter Treibstoff, doch leider verbrennt er zu schnell. Albert Schweitzer Вдохновение - хорошее топливо, но, к сожалению, оно слишком быстро сгорает. Albert Schweitzer Единственно важное в жизни - это следы , которые мы оставляем, когда идём.

Ambrose Bierce Циник - это человек, который видит вещи такими, какие они есть, и не видит, какими они должны быть. Liebe ist vor allem geistigseelisch.

Адольф Гитлер цитаты

Die nationalsozialistische Bewegung. 1. Kapitel: 2. Kapitel: 3. Kapitel: 4. Kapitel: 5. Kapitel: 6. Kapitel: Weltanschauung und Partei. 409 Der Staat. 425 Staatsangehöriger und Staatsbürger. 488 Persönlichkeit und völkischer Staatsgedanke. text of Hitler s. Цитаты, фразы и афоризмы на немецком с переводом.”. Adolf Hitler beeinflusste die Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts auf schreckliche Weise. Doch wie wurde er zum Diktator, der die Welt mit einem verheerenden Krieg und dem Holocaust in eine Katastrophe stürzte?

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Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года
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Adolf Hitler

Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом

Ich sende meinen Dank an Adolf Hitler und an das deutsche Volk. Millionen Deutsche haben damals einen Kampf aufgenommen, der damals noch nicht zu gewinnen war. Sie haben Breschen geschlagen. Die wurden seither vertuscht und verwischt…und treten in dieser unserer neuen Zeit zutage.

Россия передала гласности речь Адольфа Гитлера, с переводом на русский язык. Может быть это печально, но это факт. Да по всему миру это имеет место.

Германия показательный пример.

Смеющийся глаз, легкий шаг, дух, который воистину способен радоваться и возвышаться, искренняя юность, неподдельная стойкость, любовь, дружба — вот заповеди, данные нам Богом. И вновь мы соглашаемся с мыслями автора, которого мы упоминали в начале и который завершает утверждение своего поэтического кредо словами, представляющими символ Веры для всех нас: «Сила Божия творится руками человеческими».

Всемогущий есть наш Судья. Наша задача — исполнить наш долг так, чтобы мы смогли предстать перед Ним как Творцом всего мироздания в соответствии с данным Им законом, законом борьбы за существование. Ванюшкиной Из сборника «SS Ideology, translated from original SS publication» Когда людские сердца разбиваются от горя, а души разрываются от отчаяния, тогда из мглы прошедших времен на нас смотрят наши великие предки, не раз преодолевавшие нужду и заботу, позор и муку, духовную несвободу и физическое принуждение.

Они смотрят на нас и протягивают нам, отчаявшимся смертным, свою вечную руку помощи! Горе народу, стыдящемуся опереться на нее! Речь 18.

Смысл и цель существования государства заключается в том, чтобы гарантировать народу нормальное питание и достойное место во власти. Заключительная речь 27. Доклад 27.

Речь 20. Прокламация 01. Вырвавшийся на свободу революционный поток должен быть направлен в надежное русло эволюции.

Речь 06. Но кардинально изменить само положение вещей может только эволюция! Прокламация 05.

Речь 07. Мы верим в то, что своей борьбой мы лишь исполняем волю Создателя, наделившего каждое живое существо инстинктом самосохранения. Да будет жить наш народ!

Важно только одно — чтобы был наш народ! Речь 28. Но, если мы спасем Германию, мы сделаем самое благое дело в мире.

Пусть говорят, что мы не всегда справедливы! Но, если мы спасем Германию, мы устраним величайшую несправедливость в мире. Пусть говорят, что мы не достаточно нравственны!

Но, если наш народ будет спасен, мы возродим истинную нравственность! Речь 19. Речь 01.

Я всегда добросовестно старался преобразовать авторитет власти в силу доверия. И теперь я с гордостью могу признать, что подобно тому, как наша национальная социалистическая партия всегда была укоренена в нашем народе, так и теперь мы, уже в качестве правительства, всегда думаем как народ, вместе с народом и о народе! Речь 30.

Речь 02. И в будущем мы будем жить так, чтобы в глазах каждого немца мы по-прежнему оставались порядочными и честными людьми. Речь 26.

Наша власть — только та, которую мы нашли и укрепили в сердцах нашего народа. Речь 13. Речь 04.

Призыв на выборы 31. Если ты бросаешь на произвол судьбы одно, тебе придется отказаться и от другого.

Это рассуждения фюрера Нацистской Германии, Адольфа Гитлера. В его понимании лежала борьба. Борьба не за свободу, а за место "под солнцем". Демократичность и мир - дорога к неизбежной гибели. Только борясь можно придти к тому миру, каким его видел Адольф Гитлер. Всё это воспевается с давших времён.

Sportpalastrede — речь рейхсминистра народного просвещения и пропаганды нацистской Германии Йозефа Геббельса перед многотысячной аудиторией в Берлинском дворце спорта 18 февраля 1943 года. Речь считается одним из самых известных выступлений Геббельса и одним из самых известных и знаковых публичных выступлений политических деятелей того периода во время Второй мировой войны. К моменту выступления Геббельса немецкая армия и её союзники потерпели ряд тяжёлых поражений на фронтах войны: была окружена и разгромлена крупная группировка вермахта под Сталинградом , в Африке велись тяжёлые бои с наступающими армиями сил антигитлеровской коалиции. В своей 109-минутной патетической речи, которая транслировалась по национальному радио в прямом эфире, Геббельс призвал немецкий народ к « тотальной войне » до победного конца.

Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg

Цитаты и афоризмы Гитлера были представлены выше. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком текст. The speeches, letters, and proclamations of Adolph Hitler. Discover Adolf Hitler famous and rare quotes. Share military quotes by Adolf Hitler and quotations about war and lying. "Tell a lie loud enough and long enough ". Главная» Новости» Цитаты гитлера на немецком.

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Нацист и ближайший соратник Гитлера Рудольф Гесс родился 130 лет назад

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Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg

«Раздался животный вопль»: как ближайший соратник предал Гитлера и бежал в Британию

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